Amendments to the Constitution, [8 June] 1789 — reading text

competition, even if we exert ourfelves to the utmoft. 1 faid before, and repeat it now, that we draw great advantages from our commerce with England, which we run the riik of looting without an objeft: wor- — thy the facrifice We are admitted into their ports on terms more favorable than any other nation ; articles brought from America do not pay the duty, to which the iike are fubj eft from other parts of the globe, which is n fource of coniiderable benefit to our commerce. If my in- formation is right, our vefTels are admitted to their ports in the Ealt-Indies, this trade is likely to become of the greatell importance to the United States. We not only have vefiels that anfwer this branch of com- merce, but furnifli conftderable produce for carrying it on. I am told, that there are not Icis than 47 vclTels at this time on voyages to the countries beyond the Cape of Good Hope. This trade may be materially affefted by the policy of the Britifli nation, which has an amazing influence in that quarter of the world. I truft no friend to the navigation of America will purfue meafures deilruftive of this trade ; it is the only one to compenfate us for our lols of the Weft-India trade, and yet the regulations of Britain may efienrially injure us in that quarter. Upon the whole, 1 WQuld recomn^end temper and moderation to the houfe It  — A. 1789. Of congress. iS'j they find thefe will not or are not fufficient to produce the efted they contemplate, then take the mode now propofed, it can then be done with more propriety than at prefent Thefe are the hafty thoughts which have occurred to my mind againft the meafure ; and I beg gentlemen to believe, that I am adluated only by the pureft motives for n)y coun- try's good, in oppofmg what I confider as prejudicial to her intereft. I wi(h my country to do thofe aftions which I am certain will reflect honor upon her councils, and bring to her fons that happinefs which we are bound by duty to labor for. I would not have her, at her entrance into life, fliew an intemperate difpofition, or do any thing which flic might have caufe to repent of hereafter. ^ Mr. Madison. I conceive, Mr. Speaker, that we muil confider this as a — general queflioti involving thefe points How far it is ex- pedient, at this time, to make a difcrimination between foreign nations and the United States, for the purpofe of promoting and accelerating the improvement of the Ameri- can navigation ? and how far it is expedient to make fuch a difcrimination between foreigners, as may induce them to permit us to extend our own navigation on principles of reciprocity ? for I imagine thefe fubjedls will be found to be connefted. The arguments offered againft the meafure are founded on a maxim of impolicy. It is ftated, that as we have not got vefTels enough of our own to tranfport the produce of the country, and as this produce fells low, we ought not to enter into regulations that will encreafe the price of freight ; the plain meaning of which I take to be, let us employ thofe veflels that will do our bufinefs cheapeft, making no kind of difcrimination whatever : If this argument has weight it goes againft difcriminating in favor of our own Hiipping. 1 admit, that laying 50 cents on foreign veflels and but fix on our own, is a regulation by which the owners of Americxin fliipping will put a cot;i. fiderable part of the diiierence into their pockets. This, Sir, I confider as a facrifice of intereft to policy, thefacri- fice is but fmall, but I fliould not contend for it, if we did ftand iii need of maritime improvements ; was it not for the neceflity we are under of having fome naval ftrength, I (hould be an advocate for throwing wide o- pen the doors of our commerce to all the world, and making no kind of difcrimination in favor of our own citizens —But we have maritime dangers to guard a- gainft, and we can be fecured from them no other way. i?4 P £ 3 A T E 5 A. ij-Sg- jhan by having a n^vy and feainen of our own, thefc cgn oiily be obtajped by giving ^ preferen/ce. I admit it is 3 tax, and a tax uppn oyr produce, but it is a taji Vve muftpay for tl),e natipnal fecyrity-r^I recorpile it to the iHte reft of the IJnifed States, that this facrifice fliould be made: by it we ^hali be able to provide the meaps of defence, and by being prepared to repel danger, i§ the moft likely way to avoid it This tax therefore may prevent the hor- : ror of a war, ?gd feeyf e to us that j-efp^dl gn^ attention which we merit. I am a friend to tlje navigation of Arperka, and Ihall be always ready to go as great lengths in favor of that intereft as any gentleman on this floor — I have in contemplation to propofe a diftant time to be fixed, at which thefe high du- ties on toipi;iage fliall begin to operate ; by uhich means the interefts of that part ot the community, employing foreign {hipping, will be unaifecled for the prefent, and the other part will have time to encreafe its tonnage, foasto anfwer for tlie tranfportation of the produce of all America. With relation to the difcrinnnation propofed to be made between foreigners, I think nothing new has been ofFeredi — now it has not been denied, and therefore I take it to be tacitly admitted, that the public fentiments are friendly to fuch a difcriminatipn as is propofed. I do not think it ne- cefiary therefore to relate particularly feme fafts which would have fliewn that almofl: all the ftates in the uiiion have nianifelted their opinion on this fubjeft, and decide that a difcrimi)iation ought to be made, and ought to oper- ate particularly oii Great Britain. A difcrimination of this kind firft appeared in New-Hampfliire, the influence of its example expanded the whole extent of the union, and ftate after ftatc adopted regulations for the falutary purpofe of checking a power that was monopolizing our trade but — finding, from fatiguing experience, that their feparate ef- forts were ineffectual, they united in forming the govern- ment under which we deliberate. I will not fay only, thac if in the flrO; act of Congrefs we aboliili this favorite dif- tinclion, we difappoint the expeftations of the warmefl friends and advocates of the conltirution, but we fliall alfo difappoint the expectaiioris of its enemies and the people of Britain. The policy manlfelted by that nation toward us fince the revolution imuII evince lo every thinking mind, the necef- fity of extending our commerce to other channels, and no longer fuffer ..her tpjegnlateand limit us ijy this particular :  • A. i/89. Of C d N G R E S S. i^j The policy of her parliament has been on the watch to feize every advanrage which our weak and unguarded firu- ation expoied, (he has bound us in coTnmercial manacleSj and very nearly defeated the objedl of our independence. We all know there wa, a tnne when Britain ihfewed jt dlfpofition to form the treaty we wilh for ; this rjjfulted from an appt-ehenlion, that the United States pbflefled both the power and inclination to do themfelves juftice. The moment Ihe difcuvered we had not the povver to perform our contracts, her difpofltion changed. Now, for my part,; I can difcover ho motive for that nation to alter its condiidt; if now that we have the power we want the inclination. She will perfevere in her felfifh iritereft and narrow policy, to exclude us from a reciprocal ihare of trade ; they will continue the ability to the executive magiltrate to regulate ^he interconrfe by cifcomftances as they arrive, but ever- ftudious of their own intereft alone. The gentlen^an from New-York feems to apprehend, that if we commence com- mercial hollilities, we ihall fuffer by rcphfals. For my part^ I am not dfraid of fuffering in the conteft; her in- terefts can be wounded almoft mortally, while ours are invulnerable. She is fenfible of this ; and the people of America are not unacquainted with the natural advantages poHefTed over her— if it was necefTary, and means of a paci- llc nature Were not immediately fuccefsful, America could defend herfelf. Suppofe Great Britain not pleafed with our regulation, but difpofed to counteract and oppofe us with other reftriCtions, and we proceed to do each other all the injury which commercial prohibitions can produce — which, let me aflc, of the parties are moft vulnerable? How we could fuftain our wounds I will not fay, thofe who know oiJr country well <vill hstve but little uneafinefs on that head ; but though 1 do not fay how we could fuf- tain our wounds, I can point out how v/e coa'd inflict moft deadly ones. If we were to fay, that no article ihould be exported from America to the Weft -Indies, but what went in our own bottoms, we fliould foon hear a different lan- guage from any that has ever been held out to us on the fubjedt of commercial regulations. It may be faid, thcJ Britifh Weft- Indies could draw fupplies from the mother country ; but this is only precarious, there are always times when they muft be dependent upon us, even for the necellary fubliilance to fave them from deftruction. Now, let me alk, what article it is that we are depend dent upon Great Britain for, thati? necelTary for our fub-. Aa jS6 P E J6 ;A. T E S a. 17S9. liftance ?If it be faid there are articles of convenience we iBull have from her, I beg gentlemen to look round and ob* ferve, that thoi'e materials for manufaftures which Ihe fup- plies us with, and fabricates in the highell perfeftion, are to be found ia the United States, and within thefe few years wt have made rapid advances in manufaduring our- ielves ; tfiis mull: eventually leiTen the imports from Britain, and her independent fituation ariles from the flourilhing condition of her manufaclures and commei^ce ; I have there- fore no fears of entering in a commercial warfare with iliat nation,- if fears are to be entertained they lay on the other lide. I could go more largely into this fubjeft, and demonltrate clearly that we have infinite advantages over her. Even at tliis moment we hear the cry of diftrefs from one part of her dominions, which can only be relieved by rhe relonrces they have in this country. But 1 will not take up the time of the committee longer on this fubjeft, nor dilate upon the nature and extent of the direft trade tarried on between foreigners and us, and the circuitous one through Great Britain, from which ihe derives great advantages; nor ihew the eomp^rative motives we have for maknig a difcriminatioa between her and other fo- reign nation. Whale oil is prohibited in Britain, at leaft iubjefled to a duty amounting to a prohibition ; but it is admitted into France. I need not remark the value which — we ought to fet upon this part of our commerce- fiflieries are perhaps the beii nurferics for Teamen of any employment whatever. Rr:£ is aUo an article received by them, and enters conliderably into the conlnmption of the people ; thefe articles are making their way through that country, and will open a conliderable vent for the furplus that we have, in this point of view, it is important not to take any fteps tliat ciietk that I'pirit which leems dilpoled to favor tlie conimcree and interetls of America. I'obacco is alio confumed in conliderable quantities in France undoubted- ; ly it is our mtereit that a direct trade ihould be carried on with that