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ntyfelf impreffed with as lively a fenfe of
gratitude to the French nation for their important fervices
during the late revolution as any man ; yet I have an equal
atieftion for the incei efts of my country, and before I ac-
cede to a ijieafure like the prefent, 1 alk this queftion,
"
whether vve are in fuch a condition as to make it necef-
fary for the United States to pay tribute to our allies?
For what are thele facrihces to be made ? Is our commerce
on fiich a iavorable footing with them as to require this
nunifeftation of regard on our parts? We have the pri-
vilege of entering with our vefiels into fame particular
ports in the Weil-Indies, but the adv<intage is but Imali,
and we have done fcmething on tonnage to fhew our fenfe
of the iavor ; furely gentlemen will admit it is fufficient.
A. 1789- Of CONGRESS. 139
and not call upon us for more, if they compare the a^i^ual be-
nefit derived from our commerce with Britain, to the real
advantages afforded by the French trade. We can export
any of our produce to England in our own bottoms, and
it pays no higher duty than if it was carried in Britilh
veffels we export our produce to the Britiilj \Veft-Ii:dia
:
iflands,but it is in their velTels ; it is the policy of that
nation to improve her maritime importarice by navigation
lawS; giving preference to her own fliipping — Can we ex-
port our produce to France, or the French Weft- Indies,
en fuch good terms? then the preference, in a commercial
view, is on the other fide. The exportation of iron,
lumber, and pot-afh to Britain is very confiderable ; but
we are told thefe articles cannot be got elfewhere, yet thej'^
are frequently imported into England from other coun-
tries, but fubjeded to a much higher duty than ours. If
Britain was to oblige our articles to pay fnnilar duties, it
would foon counterbalance every good we promife our-
ielves from difcrimination. True it is, we have a right to
regulate our commerce, and declare the terms upon which
foreigners (hall trade among us ; but we ought to confider
the expediency of exercifing our powers, fo as to give um-
brage to a nation from whofe policy we derive confidcrable
advantage, efpecially as we are not in a condition to wage
a war of commercial regulations with her. There may a
time come and foon, when our tonnage ihall be encrealed,
and our manufactures improved, fo as to enable us to come
forward with regulations adverie to the commerce of that
nation, at prefent I deem fuch meafures impolitic ; but
when the moment of our improvement arrives, I ihall be as
well difpofed to enter on that bufniefs as any gentleman.
At this time it is certainly impolitic, inafmuch as it affedts
the revenue, and engages us in commercial hoftilities. If
the houfe only makes a diminution of 2 cents per gallon,
and it fhould change the confumption from rum to brandy,
it will be a very conhderable lofs on 4,000,0.00 gallons, it
will be 80,000 dollars annually.
Mr. Madison.
I did not rightly comprehend the gentleman who has
juft fatdown, when he fuppofed the difcrimination which
is moved for, to be merely the payment of a tax or tribute
to our allies, and therefore cannot reply particularly to what
I did not comprehend ; but 1 acknowledge with pieafure
the fervices America derived from that nation, and I ad-
mit the juftice of the debt we ovv'e her ; but I never meant
^-4o DEBATES
that the prefences we are inclined to fliew her in ccinmou
A. 1789,
with nations with which we have commercial treaties^
lliould be coniidered as a tribute to our allies —I confider it
rather as a lefibn to thole powers that are not within that
defcnption. If it reduces the revenue, it is a good objed
—
ib far as the reduftion goes- if it is reduced one or two
cents^ it will have no feniibJe effecl: upon the amount of the
duties collecled from diftilled fpirits. In Virginia, brandy
from France, imported in either French or Auicrican bot-
toms, is clear of duty whiHl the doty on rum is 6d. per gal-
Ion that money ; there has not, however, been nnported
more than 10,000 gallons annually till very lately, and now
it amounts to but 12,000, while the quantity of Weft-In-
dia /urn is from 5 to 600,000 —
this tends to Ihevv the
proportion the t*.vo articles bear to each other, and the ef-
fe<ft it would have on the revenue. The gentleman fup-
poles that a difference of one or two cents will chanpe the
confumption from rum to brandy, but commercial people
do not luddenly alter their operations ; belide, the habits
and prejudices of the community are nor ealily removed, the
habit of uilng rum is fo iixed, that it vvil! pej-haps take more
—
than a century to change it to another object hence the
evil which the gentlenian contemplates as rel'ulting from
the prefent meailire, inuft be remote indeed. But 1 am
clearly of opinion, that a dilcrimination will have the moft
falutry efFe<5ts, it will redound both to the honour and in-
tereft of America, to give fome early token of our capacity
and difpolition to exert ourfelves to obtain a reciprocity in
trade.
Let us review the policy of Great Britain toward us,
has Ihe ever fhewn any dilpofition to enter into reciprocal
regulations? has (he not by a temporiiing policy jjlainly
fieclared, that lintil we are able and willing to do jultice to
purfelves, Ihe will fhut us out from her ports and make us
tribut.Try to her ? have v/e not feen her taking one legifla-
tive llep after another, to deftroy our commerce ? has not
her legifiature given difcretionarj'' powers to the executive,
that fo ihe might be ever on the watch, gnd ready to feize
every advantage the weaknefs of our (ituation might ex-
pofe ? have we not reafon to believe fhe will continue a
policy void of regard to ijs, whiHt (he can continue to ga-
ther into her lap the benefits we feebly endeavour to w ith-
hold, and for which Ihe ought rather to court us by an open
and hberal participation of the commerce we defire ? will
ilje nor. if ihe finds us indeciiive in countcrading her ma-
A. 1789. Of CONGRESS. 141
chinations, continue to confult her own intereft as hereto-
fore ? it u'e remain hi a Itate of apathy, we do not fulfil the
objed of our appointment ; moft of rhe Ifates in the union
have, in feme ihape or other, ihewn fymptoms of difap-
probation of B^-itiih policy ; thofe dates have now relin-
quilhed the power of continuing their fyflems, but under
an inipreifion that a more efficient government would eilec-
lually fupport their views. If we are timid and inadtive
we difappoint the julf expeclations of our conilituents, and
I venture to fay, we difappoint the very nation againll
whom the mealure is principly directed.
It has been faid, that Great-Britain receives all the pro-
duce of this country in our own bottoms, I believe that in
fome ports of that kingdom our veflels are admitted, btit
thofe in the Welt- Indies, intq which we want admiifion
molt, are clofely barred againl^ us, but the reafon that Ihe
admits us, is becaule it is neceflary to repay herfelf for her
exports to this country, and to conltitute herfelf a market
for this and the European nations. Adventitious caufes
have drawn within 'the commercial vortex of her policy,
ahnolt all the trade of America, and the produdlions of the
niolf diltant clime, coniumed among us, are tributary to her
revenue as long therefore as we do not protect ourfelves
;
and endeavor to rellore the Itream of commerce to its na-
tural channel, ws fhallfind no relaxation on the part of
Britain, the fame obnoxious policy will be purfued while
we iubmiiuvely bear the opprellion. This is a copious
fubjed:, and leads to ferious and important reflections.
/\.fterwhat has pafTed, I am certain that there is a difpoli-
tion to make a difcrimination, to teach the nations that are
not in alliarice v/ith us, that there is an advantage to be
gamed by the connetlion To give fome early fymptom
:
of the power and vt'ill of the new government to redreis
our national wrongs, mufl be productive of benefit. We
foon lliall be in a condition, we now are in a condition, to
wage a commercial warfare with that nation. The pro-
duce of this country is more neceffary to the reft of the
world than that of other countries is to America. If we
were difpofed to hazard the experiment of interdidting the
intercourfe between us and the powers not in alliance, we
fliould have overtures of the moll: advantageous kind ten-
dered by thofe nations. If we have the difpofition, we
have abundantly the power to vindicate our caufe ; let us
but Ihew the orld that we know jultly how to confider
\'.
our corajnercial iriends and commercial adverfaries. Lee —
142
us fl:e\v, that if a
DEBATES A. 1789.
war breakes out in Europe, and is extend-
ed and carried on in the Weft-Indies, that we can treat
with friendlhip and Inccour the one, while we can fhut
the other oat of our ports. —
By thefe favors, without en-
tering into the conteft, or violating the law of nations, or
even the privilege of neutrals, we tan give the nioft
decided advantage.
I will not enlarge on this fnbjeft ; but it it muft be ap-
parent to every gentleman, that we poffefs natural advan-
tages which no other nation does ; we can therefore with
juitice {lipulate for a reciprocity in commerce. The way
to obtain this isby difcrimination ; and therefore, though
the propofed mealure may not be very favorable to the
nations in alliance, yet I hope it will be adopted for the
lake of the principle it contains. I flaould i-ather be in favor
of a fmall difcrimination than a large one, on purpol'e to
;avoid the lofs of revenue which any how in this article will
be but trifling.
Mr. FiTZsiMONs
Was firmly of opinion, that the trade of the United
States was of fo much importance to Great Britain, that Ihe
would willingly grant our fhipping reciprocal advantages
in the Weft. India ports, rather than run the rifque of
loofing it he was entirely in fentinient with the gentle-
;
man from Virginia (Mr. Madifon) that it would be pofli-
ble to meet that nation with regulations that would force
her to open her Weft-India ports if the importation of
;
rum was to be probited to any confiderable degree, it
would produce this efFedl, for if it was not for the market
the United States afforded for the confumption of rum, the
fngar colonies would not be worth keeping, the rum alone
bears the whole expence of cultivation. The quantity
confumed in other parts is but fmall, fo that a meafure of
this kind would have the moft defirable effe6l ; but how
far it would be politic at this moment to adopt a fevere re-
medy for the evil, was doubtful it is, perhaps, much bet-
;
ter to make only a fmall difcrimination for the prefent.
He would not repeat the obfervation he had made on a
former occafion to fhew the policy of a fimilar meafure, but
would juft add, that Great Britain took nothing from A-
merica, which (lie could procure as cheap elfewhere, and
there can be but very little danger that Ihe willxlo any thing
to make thofe articles coft the confumer more money,
and any obftacles fhe might throw in to
